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Monday, September 3, 2012

Beyond the issue of state police

In 1953, a young Action Group politician and member of the Nigerian Federal Parliament moved a motion seeking for Nigeria’s self-government by 1956. While this motion could have been said to be an articulation of the mood of the then British colony at the time, the Northern politicians, under the umbrella of Northern People’s Congress, and led by Ahmadu Bello, opposed it.

While Anthony Enahoro’s motion failed to gain traction in the House, it exposed the deep dichotomy between what can be called the ‘two Nigerias’. Over the years, this gap has widened. From an earlier disagreement on whether or not to remain British colonies to who has the ‘right of occupancy’ of the Nigerian leadership throne, Northern and Southern Nigeria have never been on the same page, politically, economically or socially.

Recently, the question of whether or not states should be allowed to have and maintain their own police force has brought this division to the fore again. Once a seemingly unified body despite the difference in political affiliation, the Nigerian Governors’ Forum (NGF) has suddenly become divided along North and South on account of the demand for state police.

While this might seem like the problem that 36 well-fed, seemingly aloof politicians have to deal with on their own, let me point out here that the NGF, as far as constitutional amendments go, has a huge influence in determining what stays and what does not in whatever new constitution that Nigeria will be served outside of a constitutional conference or referendum. In other words, the NGF, not the Nigerian people, will write our new constitution.

A bit far-fetched? Not really. The constitution is the legal framework on which this nation is built. To change or amend it, even in the slightest bit, is therefore not a question of ‘ayes’ and ‘nays’, as is the custom within the National Assembly. For any change in the constitution to become law, it must be supported by not only two-third majority of the National Assembly, but also, at least two-thirds of all the State Houses of Assembly. In other words, two-thirds of the governors, seeing as the State Houses of Assembly are nothing but mere rubber-stamps of their various governors.

With all the drama this state police issue is generating, do we really need it? Apart from the debate of revenue allocation and local government reforms, this has become a major strain in the relationship between the ‘two Nigerias’. It is so serious that even past police bosses have waded into it. Yet one wonders if we really do need state police in order to maintain an already fragile peace and unity; or if, like our so-called democracy, we just want to emulate other nations.

More than the question of whether we need state police, I believe that there is a more fundamental question we have yet to answer: do the ‘two Nigerias have to grow at the same pace? This question, or more appropriately, our refusal to answer this question, has left us in the sorry state we now find ourselves. It has led us down the sorry path of mediocrity becoming a national standard, whereby one gets a position not because he deserves it, but because there must be a seeming balance between one Nigeria and the other. It is distasteful and just plain idiotic.

Rather than create more division over certain aspects of the constitutional amendment, I believe governors should opt for a modification that allows each state and local government govern itself according to own principles and at its own pace. The federal government has no business setting a standard by which all states must handle internal affairs like policing. In the same vein, governors have no business meddling in the internal affairs of local governments.

Nigerian politicians must stop this nonsense of trying to tie the progress of one state to the other. They must understand that Kogi State, for instance, will never be able to match Lagos State's internally generated revenue; and so cannot be held accountable to the same standards. Northern governors must forget the oil of the South and develop their agriculture which was actually the mainstay of the Nigerian economy before the oil curse. Similarly, the Southern governors must stop behaving like spoilt piglets, waiting only for monthly federal allocations and not developing their regions.

So, should Nigeria have a state police system? Why not? However, the more important constitutional amendment will be to allow for – as cliché as it may sound – true federalism, where each state is allowed to grow at their own pace. Anything less will be a mere cosmetic act which will only fade away.

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